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Abstract
Universal Grammar linguistic and statistical generalization from the data have almost always been invoked as mutually exclusive
means of explaining child language acquisition. This papers show that such unnecessary segregation is both conceptually and
empirically flawed. We demonstrate the utility of general learning mechanisms in the acquisition of the core grammatical system
through frequency effects in the parameter setting, and develop an optimization-based models of productivity with applications to
morphology and syntax in the periphery. Reviews These findings in child language support the approach to the evolution of language that
seeks connections between language and other cognitive systems, in particular the consequence of the general principles of efficient
computation.
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